Pakistan, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia: Three Powers, Three Capabilities, One Strategic Vision

By Amir Muhammad Khan

Peace-loving nations welcome every initiative aimed at strengthening peace and stability. But whenever a development changes the strategic balance of a region, those who feel threatened by it often react with anxiety. This appears to be the case following the new defence cooperation agreement between Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye.

The agreement, reached after more than a year of consultations and discussions, represents an important development in the evolving strategic landscape of the Middle East and South Asia. The strong reaction from sections of the Indian media and strategic community suggests that New Delhi does not regard this as an ordinary defence arrangement.

For almost a year, Pakistan’s diplomatic standing has been receiving increasing international attention. Its efforts to promote peace, strengthen relations with friendly countries and pursue a more active foreign policy have also changed perceptions about Islamabad’s role in regional affairs. India’s reaction to the new defence partnership must therefore be viewed within this wider geopolitical context.

It is difficult to ignore the role of the Indian media in shaping public perceptions. Following the recent Pakistan-India military confrontation, a considerable amount of sensational and unverified reporting appeared in sections of the Indian media. Some of those claims were so exaggerated that they became a subject of discussion and even ridicule internationally. Credibility is the most valuable asset of journalism, and once lost, it is not easily restored.

But beyond media rhetoric lies a more serious strategic question: **Why is India concerned about the Pakistan-Saudi Arabia-Türkiye defence partnership?**

The answer is relatively straightforward.

Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have enjoyed close defence and security relations for decades. Pakistani military personnel have played a role in training Saudi armed forces, while the two countries have conducted joint military exercises and maintained extensive security cooperation. Their relationship is not new; rather, the latest agreement gives a more structured strategic dimension to a longstanding partnership.

Pakistan’s relationship with Türkiye has also evolved dramatically. What was once primarily a relationship based on political friendship and historical affinity has developed into substantial defence and industrial cooperation. The two countries collaborate in areas including naval platforms, drones, defence production, military training and advanced technology.

Türkiye’s emergence as an important global defence technology producer has further strengthened this relationship. Its indigenous defence industry has developed sophisticated capabilities in unmanned aerial systems, naval technology, missiles, electronic systems and other areas. Pakistan, with its established defence infrastructure and considerable military experience, is a natural strategic partner for Türkiye.

For India, Türkiye is particularly sensitive.

Relations between New Delhi and Ankara have faced tensions over several political and diplomatic issues, including Türkiye’s position on Kashmir. Ankara has consistently expressed support for Pakistan’s position on the Kashmir dispute. At the same time, Pakistan and Türkiye have steadily expanded their defence cooperation.

The entry of Saudi Arabia into a broader defence framework involving Pakistan and Türkiye therefore adds another dimension.

Saudi Arabia is not simply a military power. It is one of the world’s most important economic and energy powers and occupies a strategically vital geographical position. Its influence extends across the Middle East, the Islamic world and international energy markets.

Pakistan and Saudi Arabia also have deep historical, religious, social and economic ties. Millions of Pakistanis live and work in the Kingdom, contributing to both economies. Saudi Arabia is also among the most important sources of remittances for Pakistan.

Consequently, the significance of the new arrangement cannot be measured purely in military terms.

The combination is important: **Saudi Arabia brings economic strength, financial resources and strategic geography; Türkiye brings advanced defence technology and industrial capability; Pakistan brings extensive military experience, a strong defence establishment, nuclear deterrence and a large pool of human resources.**

If these capabilities are organised within a coherent strategic framework, the consequences could extend far beyond traditional military cooperation.

Some analysts have already begun using the phrase “Islamic NATO” to describe the arrangement. Such terminology, however, is premature. The three countries have not announced a new supranational military alliance comparable to NATO. Nor should the agreement be interpreted as a declaration of war against any state.

The basic purpose of a defence agreement is deterrence — to make potential aggression more costly and to strengthen the ability of participating countries to protect their sovereignty.

Nevertheless, the principle that an armed attack against one of the three would be regarded as an attack against all three carries considerable strategic weight. It creates a clear message of collective security and inevitably attracts attention from neighbouring states.

India’s concern is therefore understandable from a strategic perspective, although that does not mean the agreement is directed against India.

Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye have repeatedly expressed their commitment to peace and stability. A strong defence capability does not necessarily indicate an intention to wage war. In many cases, the purpose of military strength is precisely to prevent war by creating credible deterrence.

The modern security environment makes such cooperation increasingly relevant.

Warfare has changed dramatically. Modern conflicts are no longer determined only by the number of tanks, aircraft or soldiers a country possesses. Drones, precision missiles, cyber warfare, satellite technology, artificial intelligence, electronic warfare and the protection of critical infrastructure have become essential elements of national security.

For Saudi Arabia, therefore, defence cooperation is directly connected with economic development.

The Kingdom is undergoing one of the most ambitious economic and social transformations in its modern history. Major projects, energy infrastructure, industrial zones, ports, airports, tourism facilities and technological investments all require a secure environment. Economic transformation cannot succeed without national and regional security.

Türkiye, meanwhile, has demonstrated that investment in indigenous defence technology can become an important source of economic strength. Its defence industry has increasingly become an export-oriented sector, creating jobs, technological expertise and international partnerships.

Pakistan also possesses significant potential in this area. Its defence industry has accumulated decades of experience, while its armed forces have extensive operational and technological expertise. With greater investment, international partnerships and technology transfer, Pakistan could further develop its defence manufacturing and export capabilities.

This is where the Pakistan-Saudi Arabia-Türkiye partnership could acquire an economic dimension.

If Turkish technology, Pakistani defence production capabilities and Saudi investment are brought together through joint ventures, research programmes and industrial partnerships, the result could be a new model of defence-industrial cooperation.

Such cooperation could include drones, naval technology, aerospace, cyber security, artificial intelligence, electronic warfare, advanced manufacturing and other emerging technologies.

The economic benefits could extend well beyond defence.

Joint investment could create employment, stimulate technology transfer, encourage industrial development and generate export opportunities. Pakistan could particularly benefit if Saudi capital and Turkish technology were combined with Pakistani human resources and industrial capacity.

There is also a wider diplomatic dimension.

The three countries occupy strategically important positions in different regions. Pakistan connects South Asia with the Middle East and Central Asia. Türkiye links Europe, the Middle East and Asia. Saudi Arabia sits at the heart of the Arab and Islamic world and controls a strategically important position along vital maritime and energy routes.

Their combined diplomatic influence could therefore contribute to regional dialogue and conflict prevention.

It would be a mistake, however, to interpret the partnership simply through the prism of India.

The real opportunity is much broader.

The three countries should use this strategic moment to build a framework based not only on defence but also on trade, investment, technology, education, industrial cooperation and economic development.

Pakistan’s economic difficulties should not be confused with strategic weakness. A country’s economic challenges are real and must be addressed, but they do not automatically erase its military capabilities, human resources, geographical importance or diplomatic potential.

Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence remains an important element of South Asian strategic stability. Its armed forces possess considerable experience, while its large population provides a substantial human-resource base.

Saudi Arabia’s financial resources and geographical importance complement these strengths. Türkiye’s technological and industrial capabilities add another crucial dimension.

**Three countries. Three different strengths. One potentially significant strategic partnership.**

The image of Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan standing together is therefore more than a display of three national flags. It represents the convergence of economic power, technological capability, military experience and strategic geography.

But strength must always be accompanied by responsibility.

Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye do not need another conflict in an already troubled region. The Middle East is experiencing continuing tensions, missile attacks, drone warfare and geopolitical rivalry, while South Asia remains vulnerable to confrontation.

The objective should therefore be deterrence, not confrontation; stability, not escalation; cooperation, not conflict.

If these three countries succeed in connecting their defence cooperation with economic development, technological advancement, investment and trade, the agreement could become much more significant than a traditional military arrangement.

For Pakistan, it could open new opportunities for investment and defence exports. For Saudi Arabia, it could contribute to protecting the security environment required for its economic transformation. For Türkiye, it could create new markets and partnerships for its growing defence industry.

And for the region, it could create a new balance based on deterrence and cooperation.

The strategic message is simple: **Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye do not seek war, but they are determined to protect their sovereignty, security and national interests.**

In today’s uncertain world, peace is not secured by weakness. It is secured through diplomacy, economic strength, credible deterrence and responsible partnerships.

The real test of this historic agreement will therefore not be how effectively it prepares these three countries for war, but how effectively it helps them prevent one.

**Three powers. Three capabilities. One strategic vision — security through cooperation, strength through partnership, and peace through credible deterrence.**